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At last, he was on the inside where decisions were taken. Early campaigns were for ethnic record keeping, for an end to racism in education, and for a new committee, the first of its kind, to ensure community representation in decision making (known as the Ethnic Minorities Joint Consultative Committee). He also developed close links with young black people on local council estates such as Broadwater Farm, and advocated the development of proper facilities for young people.
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 The campaign for Black Sections in the Labour Party also occupied his time and he became a key spokesman for this campaign nationally.
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In his own words:
" I found myself in the House of Commons in much the same way I had become a councillor. It wasn't a great personal ambition. I had been asked before, but I'd said no, no, I'm not interested. I was approached in 1985 by a group of comrades who asked whether I'd like to stand in Tottenham, which is a multiracial constituency and we'd been hammering away at this idea of multiracialism, and the need to get black representation in all areas of government. People felt that there should be an MP who reflected the change in Tottenham. So this time I said 'fair enough, I'll have a go.' And I won."
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Tottenham saw the most serious civil disturbances ever on the Broadwater Farm estate in 1985, in which a policeman, was murdered. The disturbances brought Bernie Grant to national prominence as he passionately articulated the perspectives of the young people involved, who believed that they had no option but to defend themselves against police harassment in what was to be his Tottenham constituency. His refusal to condemn the young people, and what he felt was a deliberate distortion of his remark that the young people believed that the Police had received " A bloody good hiding", was to put him in the national spotlight for the rest of his life.
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The tabloid press engaged in wild speculation about the disturbances. Knowing the pressures on the estate, Bernie refused to condemn the rioters. As the focus of national attention, his words were fatefully distorted by the tabloid press.
The archive contains hundreds of newspaper clippings and racist hate mail which shows the strength of feeling which his stance provoked. There are also however letters of support and encouragement from those who understood inner city tensions.
During the late 1990s, Bernie Grant went on to campaign against the abuse of civil rights in the aftermath of the disturbances. He also went on to successfully campaign for the acquittal of Winston Silcott whose conviction for the murder of a policeman during the disturbances was eventually quashed.
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In his own words:
"When you get targeted by the media, you just take it in your stride. When the Broadwater Farm riot occurred I had a hell of a lot of hassles, apart from the door-stepping the media were doing. All sorts of threats - death threats, threats of violence. I couldn't travel on public transport. The few times I tried it people would threaten to beat me up. I don't go into pubs anymore.
There is no doubt that the reaction would not have been so vitriolic if I'd have been white. Absolutely. It was very clear: I was the baddie of the year for the Tory party conference of 1985. In 1984 it was Arthur Scargill, but it was not the same thing. In 1985 someone got up at that conference and said, "This man should be deported." Now I'm a British citizen just like Scargill, but nobody would get up and say Scargill should be deported. So there was the extra racism element, over and above the normal abuse. I've talked to Ken Livingstone and other people that have been attacked but none of them have ever had the level of treatment I did. It's very much through the advent of papers like the Sun. What happens is that the Sun runs a headline 'Barmy Bernie'. So somebody cuts it out and sends it to me with some obscene message or something. Or they cut my picture out of the Daily Mail - another paper that was pretty bad - and they'd draw a noose around my neck and send that to me. So it's as if these papers and the racists are working hand-in-glove."
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Fed by the tabloid stories, sacks full of racist mail, including death threats, arrived at the Civic Centre. The archives contain a considerable amount of distressing and offensive hate mail sent to Bernie Grant; in addition there are racial incident dossiers and race relations research that Bernie maintained. This letter, with the tabloid clipping that accompanied it, is dated c.1996.
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 His defence of local services of the black community earned him passionate support as a local election approached in 1986. Voters returned his party with a massively increased majority.
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 The hate campaign continued however as the 1997 General Election approached and a nervous Labour Party leadership sought to distance itself from an increasingly vocal black membership.
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 Around the same time, Labour support his help in securing the black vote.
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 Finally elected as one of first black MP's of modern times in a campaign in which support came from surprising quarters.
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 His election in 1987, with four other black MP's was seen as an historic triumph for black representation, and a personal triumph after years of vilification in the press and media.
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 Elation in the black community.
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 Photograph by Sharron Wallace |
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Once in Parliament, he lost no time in making his point. The pictures went round the world as Bernie made an early and controversial statement of intent by attending the State Opening of Parliament wearing African dress.
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Some felt this to be outrageous but the Speaker appreciated the gesture
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Courts controversy in his maiden speech to highlight the plight of the inner cities.
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In his own words:
"I see the House of Commons as giving me an opportunity to make the odd speech, get a little media coverage for black causes, and most important of all, when there are issues that come up, we are able for the first time to put forward a black point of view from within Parliament. That is important in terms of image for the black community. I don't know whether I'm a good role model myself, but the fact that black people can become MPs does get some esteem."
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This is just one example from the extensive files containing press releases issued over 15 years, which form part of the collection:
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